October 1993 Afterword - Part 2

Adrenaline Дата публикации: 15-01-2026 16:42:00 Просмотров: 469

The story of the participant of the events in the first person

The bloody events of October 1993 had a double bottom. Ordinary participants did not know much then. And now there are many stains left, but something still emerges, like fuel oil from the tanks of a sunken ship. The anniversary is a good occasion to talk about what became known later.

Much has been said about the organizational abilities of "leaders" and "leaders". Neither Rutskoi nor Khasbulatov had any experience in managing any economic unit. Therefore, the organizational mess in the House of Soviets and, in particular, on the barricades around it, was quite organic for the work of both. But among the not frightened idiots, there were "mishandled Cossacks." Among the defenders of the soviets, they deliberately engaged in sabotage on the instructions of the secret authorities, and not for free.

I will not repeat well-known stories about traitors and spies surrounded by Rutskoi.

This is known. But the questions of weapons from the militia, or rather its absence, are very interesting. Back in 1994, I had the opportunity to talk with a man who, in the spring of 1993, worked on the commission of the Supreme Council that inspected the mobilization stock of weapons in the House of Soviets. In the spring, the underground levels of the parliament contained anti-tank guided missile systems, RPGs, 9,000 automatic weapons and a corresponding amount of ammunition. Almost everything was taken out. There are 12 guns left. Another 62 AK was in the squad of militia guards of the Supreme Council. There were also 5 or 6 light machine guns.After the disaster, 173 machine guns, 372 pistols, the same 5 or 6 light machine guns, 1 RPG-7 and very little ammunition were found in the House. The increase in weapons occurred at about 16 - 17 hours on October 3.

Militias in the motorized rifle regiment for the protection of the Supreme Council were, according to various sources, from 600 to 1000 people. Many of those who came in the first days were able to break through to the barricades on 3 October. They were an organized militia because they knew who the commanders were, and they knew them. During the breakthrough, several hundred people nailed to these organized groups. Together with them, the Supreme Council had about one and a half thousand relatively organized militias, but the vast majority of them were unarmed. Without the support of the armed formations of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Defense, it was impossible to count on success.Even the most naive supporters of the Supreme Soviet realized that Yeltsin would not stop at bloodshed in order to retain power. We needed military units, but there were none. There was a lot of talk about why no one came. Only one group of 23 Navy servicemen is known, led by Captain Ostapenko. The group was intercepted and Ostapenko, releasing his comrades from obligations, shot himself.

However, the fact became public that not only the leaders of the Supreme Council called on the military for help.

It turns out that acting Minister of the Interior Dunaev was approached by the commanders of police units, offering to withdraw their units to the House of Soviets. But this one…. This intruder, there is no other way to call him, turned all these officers around, citing that bloodshed should not be allowed ... It turns out who was one of the organizers of the bloody massacre. Of course, he was not alone. Now there is no evidence that Rutskoi had a similar task. But his passive behavior throughout the crisis and the outright panic on October 4 are suggestive. Rutskoi's visit to Yeltsin's funeral was very indicative. By itself, this fact does not prove that Rutskoi acted on Yeltsin's orders, but it is not in his favor.Suspicions about Rutskoy's true aims in the events of the autumn of 1993 remain.

Important for the historical truth, and not only, is the group of questions on the October 3 breakthrough. The "Ministry of Truth" all these years has been promoting the version that de all the actions of the supporters of the Soviet Power were planned by Yeltsin's security forces, and everything was predetermined in advance. The mighty forces of democracy, on command, diverged in different directions, letting the "vile cattle" into a trap.

There was none of this. The Yeltsinoids had a plan for a bloody provocation on October 3.

Briefly, what was planned: Around noon on October 3, it was planned to launch a volley of hysterical “messages” and “reports” on television that three to four thousand militants - supporters of the White House broke through the cordon and along the Garden Ring went to the White House. Then, that the militants of Khasbulatov-Rutskoy storm the Ostankino and "create chaos." And so Yeltsin is "forced" to declare Moscow under a state of siege. Then, under this sauce, the takeover of the White House, etc. will be announced.

While the "Ministry of Truth" was spudding the townsfolk, the forces of General Pankratov were supposed to withdraw the participants in the opposition rally from October Square to the Crimean Bridge, press them to the main passage of the Gorky Central Park of Culture and Culture , drive them into the park and there, special detachments were supposed to "handle" everyone . The place is suitable - although the center, but the forest and the river. Nobody will see. Then the corpses on barges and out of town. After the destruction of the defenders of the House of Soviets, which was planned to be completed by the evening of October 3, the corpses were also planned to be loaded onto barges.

They say that this ingenious plan was compiled by the once widely known "General Dima" - lawyer and adventurer Dmitry Yakubovsky. Reality came into conflict with the ambitions of this figure. The protesters turned out to be not three or four, about one hundred and twenty thousand, and they were mostly men 25-45 years old. It was very difficult to keep them. Yes, and instead of trained employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, a rabble was involved. With one of those ghouls who fought with us on the Crimean bridge, I happened to talk in 1996. In 1993 he was 18 years old. He told me an interesting story: He and his friends worked for the Herat security firm, set up by Afghan veterans. They weren't veterans.

Young gopniks beat the homeless and drunkards at the stalls at the stations.

Before October 3, the company received a call from the Central Internal Affairs Directorate and, referring to Yakubovsky, demanded that a detachment of the toughest Afghan veran be sent to the Crimean Bridge. Firm "Herat" sent a detachment. But there was only one veteran of Afghanistan - he commanded a detachment of gopniks. Seeing a bubbling human volcano on Oktyabrskaya, the veteran dropped a cigarette from his mouth and said: “I need to call…” No one else saw him. But the gopniks remained. They had nowhere to run. On the Krymsky bridge, the young man ended his heartbreaking story with an energetic passage: At first we fought because it was scary, and then we were broken and we ran. And how they ran!At full gallop, they jumped out of bulletproof vests and immediately into the subway - to my mother ...

At the same time, democratic television called on the democratic public to come to Tverskaya Street and Boulevard Ring to defend democracy. And in order to get out faster, in these areas there was an attraction "distributing elephants." One of my acquaintances went to Pushkinskaya after school. Pallets with sausages, already gutted packs of Philippe Maurice cigarettes, boxes of vodka and a lot of other tasty things for free were scattered throughout the territory of the Boulevard Ring. Among this wealth, drunkards and a few homeless people wandered, stocking up. In addition to them, few people came out to defend democracy. The barricades built from fences centrally delivered by the mayor's office stood empty.For young people, an exciting walk ended at the fence of the American embassy. Teenagers were then almost shot by drunken defenders of democracy.

And the last thing.

How many people died during the tragic events. The authorities are tricky in this matter. Until now, there is no single official number of the dead, coinciding with the officially confirmed list of them. Call 123 killed and 863 wounded. But there are figures of 147 and 175 killed. The military and employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs died either 17 or 25. Of these, not one was killed by the fire of the militias. At the time of the shelling of the column of supporters of the Soviet power, police lieutenant colonel Shakhtman was seriously wounded. Even then they tried to attribute it to us, but I myself saw that they were shooting only from the ramp of the CMEA tower, and there were ghouls there.Half an hour later, four scripts were shot, but they had already surrendered to our comrades from the Makashov group.

The shooters were in civilian clothes and fled up Devyatinsky Lane. In Ostankino, the Vityaz machine gunner Sitnikov was the first to be killed. But... A Vityaz sniper from the opposite building of the television center wounded a militiaman holding a single RPG-7 grenade launcher in the leg. He fell and, falling, accidentally pressed the trigger. At the same time, the safety cap was not screwed off the grenade and it came out of the pipe unactivated. It hit a wall lined with marble, without exploding knocked out several large fragments of marble. One of them broke Sitnikov's spine.

The total number of victims of the defenders of the constitution is not exactly known. The publicly declared figures consist of those who died outside the building of the Supreme Council, and he was shot for many hours from tank guns with 125-mm high-explosive fragmentation shells (ve 22 kg), guns and machine guns of infantry fighting vehicles and armored personnel carriers. According to the recollections of those who survived this shelling, people left a wet place or a shadow on the wall after the explosion. But hundreds of people were killed in the entrances and in the yard of pines with the House of Soviets residential buildings.

They shot people at the Krasnaya Presnya stadium and the factory management of the weaving factory. There is no official number, but manuscripts do not burn. On the brick wall of the stadium, someone wrote "In October 1993, 2,643 people were killed." Who was that? Information about the dead and missing converged in two departments - the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the FSB. Apparently, one of the employees, not daring to take risks, wrote the number of the dead on the wall of the stadium. The wall was taken down. They didn't even dare to color it. They just demolished it, but people remembered...