The falsification that changed history

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact is a non-aggression pact between the Soviet Union and Germany of August 23, 1939. In itself, this agreement does not contain anything special, but in the dense forest of Washington in the late forties, a certain “Secret Additional Protocol” to this agreement suddenly appeared, published in the American collection Nazi-Soviet Relations 1939-1941. Washington, 1948 (Nazi-Soviet Relations 1939-1941. Washington, 1948).

This publication had no sources, but the USA is an uncivilized country, anything can be published there: it's not about the sources and not about the truth, but just about dollars or politics.

The named publication is the only blind source of the “Secret Additional Protocol” to date, brazenly concocted by American falsifiers, probably from the special services. Everything else, even with links to archives, is a lie. For example, using the above link on the Wikipedia page, you can find the following fake address of the archival storage of the supposedly original: “Archive of the President of the Russian Federation, Special folder, package No. 34.” This archival address makes as much sense as the following: “Archive of the President of the Russian Federation, Top Secret, Package No. 34.” — A special folder is a stamp of a document, not a physical folder with documents. No, the original "Secret Protocol" does not exist - especially since Molotov's signature on the American photocopy is fake, molded in the most rude way, which will be shown below.

By itself, the Soviet-German non-aggression pact, concluded on August 23, 1939, did not infringe on the interests of third countries. Baltic Crisis 1939–1940 was provoked by the outbreak of war in Europe, but had no direct connection with the Soviet-German agreement, which the local ideologists are now constantly shouting about. Nevertheless, it was in the Baltic States that mass hysteria erupted in the late 1980s over a criminal conspiracy between two dictatorial regimes, allegedly as a result of which Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia lost their independence.

The proof of the Stalinist regime's crime against the Baltic peoples was not the treaty itself, but some "secret protocols" to it on the delimitation of spheres of interest between Germany and the USSR.

Later, on the basis of this falsification, a propaganda myth was even developed that the Second World War, they say, began only because Stalin and Hitler agreed to divide Poland (the fugitive traitor Vladimir Rezun, who writes under the pseudonym "Suvorov", especially distinguished himself on this basis ). A simple story, but the Poles still believe in it. By the way, if we talk about the nation that has the most perverted idea of ​​its history, it will undoubtedly be the Poles. They even officially created a "Ministry of Truth" - the Institute of National Memory, which is engaged in rewriting history and censorship. For example, at the suggestion of this body in "free" Poland, the famous Polish feature film "Four Tankmen and a Dog" was banned from showing.

The Poles invariably represent their country as a victim of the Second World War, and do not at all remember that it was preceded by the partition of Czechoslovakia, in which Poland took an active part "with the greed of a hyena" in the words of Winston Churchill. The Poles also forgot that the immediate reason for the war was their occupation of the German city of Danzig (more precisely, not the occupation itself, but Poland's refusal to return this German city to Germany) and the mass discrimination of the two million German population of Poland.

Acquisition of secret protocols

Where did the photocopies of the “secret additional protocol” come from from the Americans? According to the legend, advertised in the USSR in 1989, at the direction of Ribbentrop in 1943-1944. Microfilms of German Foreign Ministry documents were made. In the spring of 1945, an order was received to destroy all archives. Fulfilling this order, a certain Foreign Ministry adviser, Karl von Lesch, set fire to the papers, but, having unclear motives, hid 20 reels of microfilms with 9725 pages of documents in an iron box, wrapped it in oiled cloth and buried it in the park of Schoenberg Castle near the city of Mühlhausen, in Thuringia . On May 12, 1945, von Loesch allegedly handed over the microfilmed documents to English Lieutenant Colonel Robert Thomson. He, full of allied feelings, for some reason gave it to the Americans. On May 19, a valuable cargo was delivered to London, where the Americans made copies of all microfilms.

Probably, the perestroika journalist Lev Bezymensky was the author of this detective story. At least the earliest mention of the episode with microfilms that I found was made by him on March 31, 1989 at a round table in the editorial office of the Voprosy istorii magazine. Perhaps there was no "round table", and if there was, then there was no talk of microfilms at it. The transcript of the "round table" was published only in the second half of June of the same year, when the Yakovlev commission began its activities. It is noteworthy that Yakovlev himself, the most competent expert on "secret protocols", in an interview dated 2004, says the following:

“The West found out about the existence of secret protocols almost immediately after the war - and they were published there. How they got there, God only knows - most likely through Germany.

But one way or another, the version about von Lesch's microfilms has become generally recognized, although not confirmed by anything so far. Who is von Lesh? Valentin Sidak, in an interview with the Pravda newspaper, describes him as follows:

“Foreign Ministry adviser Karl Christian von Lesch is one of the leading German experts on the problems of the “German living space”, the author of many works on German-Polish relations, including on the problem of the “Danzig corridor”. In 1938, together with Frick, Rosenberg, Behm and other prominent figures of Nazism, he published in the specialized yearbook of the Reich the article "German Border Territories", which in its main provisions anticipated the ideas of the "Munich Pact" in relation to Czechoslovakia.

In the course of the Nuremberg trials, I. Ribbentrop's lawyer Alfred Seidl tried to add the text of the "secret additional protocol to the Soviet-German non-aggression pact of 1939" as evidence. However, the International Tribunal questioned its probative value. Subsequently, in his memoirs, A. Seidl admitted: “I still do not know who gave me these sheets. However, there is a lot to be said for the fact that I was played along by the American side, namely by the US prosecution or the American secret service.”

For the first time, a photocopy of the secret protocol was published in 1946 in the provincial American newspaper San Louis Post Dispatch.

The originals of these documents were not found in either Soviet or German archives, and they were not officially recognized anywhere until 1989. The “originals” of the protocols were allegedly discovered in the Russian Federation in 1992, but no one has ever seen them either.

Secret agreements between countries

Of course, secret agreements between countries are practiced, because such is a long-standing diplomatic tradition - to resolve sensitive issues of interstate relations in a confidential manner. Diplomacy is the big sister of intelligence, and secrecy is her mother. The public sees only the results of the efforts of diplomats, while the mechanisms for achieving them are most often hidden by a veil of secrecy. For example, confidential protocols were attached to the mutual assistance agreements between the USSR and the Baltic states, concluded in the autumn of 1939, defining the procedure for the entry and deployment of Soviet troops on their territory. At the same time, in the text of the treaties themselves there is a link to these most confidential protocols.

There is another type of secret agreements - decisions regarding third countries that exclude any leakage of information and have an extremely narrow circle of people privy to the secret. Such agreements were usually drawn up not in the form of an official interstate treatise, but in the form of a personal agreement between the rulers. In the entire history of diplomacy, there has not been a single such secret agreement that would have been concluded in compliance with the official ritual and formalities of document flow. But there is an example of resolving the issue of dividing spheres of influence between the USSR and Great Britain in Eastern Europe at the meeting between Churchill and Stalin in Moscow on October 9, 1944. Here is how Churchill himself recalled this:

“A businesslike atmosphere was created, and I said: “Let's settle our affairs in the Balkans. Your armies are in Romania and Bulgaria. We have interests, missions and agents there. Let's not quarrel over trifles. As regards England and Russia, do you agree to occupying a 90 per cent dominant position in Rumania, for us to also occupy a 90 per cent dominant position in Greece and in half in Yugoslavia?

While this was being translated, I took half a sheet of paper and wrote:

“Romania: Russia - 90 percent. Others - 10 percent

Greece: Great Britain (in agreement with the USA) - 90 percent Russia - 10 percent.

Yugoslavia: 50 to 50 percent.

Hungary: 50 to 50 percent.

Bulgaria: Russia - 75 percent. Others are 25 percent.”

I gave this leaflet to Stalin, who by this time had already heard the translation. There was a short pause. Then he took a blue pencil and, placing a large bird on the sheet, returned it to me. It took no more time to settle this whole issue than it took to write this. Of course, we discussed our question for a long time and carefully and, moreover, touched only on immediate wartime measures. Both sides put off ever larger issues until a peace conference, which we then hoped would take place after the war had been won.

Then there was a long silence. A sheet of paper, written in pencil, lay in the center of the table. Finally, I said, “Wouldn't it seem a little cynical that we should have solved these questions, which are of vital importance to millions of people, as if on the spur of the moment? Let's burn this paper."

“No, leave it to yourself,” said Stalin.

One can, of course, doubt that the matter happened exactly as Churchill described it, but approximately in this way secret agreements on the division of spheres of influence are concluded. Indeed, what is the point of officially signing a secret treaty if its legal force is zero? If one party fails to fulfill the secret agreement, the other party cannot publicly demand its execution. The violating country will simply deny the existence of any secret obligations. Any interstate treaty gains force only after mutual ratification. So there was not the slightest need to draw up "secret protocols" to the pact, especially since the negotiations on August 23, 1939 did not take place at the highest level.

But, since the Soviet-German negotiations were of a serious nature, during Ribbentrop's conversations with Stalin and Molotov, undoubtedly, a very wide range of issues was considered, which included the security of the USSR's borders. It is possible that in the conversations an idea was established about the interests of the two powers in Eastern Europe. But the understanding reached in conversations, even if it took place, cannot be sewn into the case. In addition, nothing is known about this, and one can only speculate about it hypothetically.

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